1.4.2 Decoupling Growth from Resource Flows
A considerable literature has emerged recently on experiences with technologies,
practices, and products that increase resource productivity and ecological efficiency,
and thereby reduce the volume of resource input per unit of economic output.
The ultimate hope is to shed light on ways in which economic growth and social
security can be sustained while resource flows decline in developed countries
and/or grow more slowly in developing countries. This literature cites macroeconomic
trends with relative reductions in the intensity of resource use coupled with
slight increases in absolute levels in the developed economies (Adriaanse et
al., 1997). It deals with issues that are central to alternative development
paths that are also discussed in the SRES (IPCC, 2000a) and Chapter
2. It also notes leapfrogging phases of technological development for developing
economies (UNDP, 1998, p. 83). On the micro level, it identifies experiences
with cleaner, more economical energy systems, and the potential for information
technology to increase resource efficiency. In either case, authors uncover
policy options that pertain mainly to support the proliferation of these trends.
These options emerge from a broader conception of climate mitigation than has
typically been captured in the energy supply and demand technologies represented
in existing energyeconomic models. Each option has the potential to reduce
GHG emissions, but each needs to be carefully evaluated in terms of its impacts
on economic, social, and biological systems. Moreover, each of these options
needs to be evaluated alongside conventional energy supply and demand alternatives
in terms of their impacts. Expanding the analysis of the set of available options
in this way should make us better off, as some of the new options will be attractive
upon further analysis, although others will not.
1.4.2.1 Eco-intelligent Production Systems
Many authors argue that progress in developed countries has been driven largely
by the technologically based substitution of natural resources for labour. As
a result, labour productivity has generally grown faster than resource productivity.
Against the background of environmental scarcities, though, this pattern has
and will continue to change so that innovation may increasingly be shifted away
from labour-saving advances towards resource-saving technologies.
Possibilities include:
- Eco-efficient innovation, that is making products in ways that minimize
resource content, utilize biodegradable materials, extend durability, and
save inputs during use (Stahel, 1994; Fussler, 1996; Weaver et al.,
2000).
- Industrial ecology, that is moving from the nineteenth century concept of
a linear throughput growthin which materials flow through the economy
as if through a straight pipeto a closed loop economy in which industrial
materials are fed back into the production cycle (Graedel et al., 1995;
LTI-Research Group, 1998; Pauli, 1998).
- Products to services, that is shifting the entrepreneurial focus from the
sale of hardware to the direct sale of the services through leasing or renting
to facilitate the full utilization of hardware, including maintenance and
recycling (Deutscher Bundestag, 1995; Hennicke and Seifried, 1996; Hawken
et al., 1999).
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- Eco-efficient consumption, that is changing patterns of consumption (using
new technologies) to achieve greater efficiency and to reduce waste and pollution
(OECD, 1998) in sectors such as transport, food, and housing. Dematerializing
consumption may go hand-in-hand with a shift from resource-intensive goods
to service-intensive and knowledge-intensive goods (UNDP, 1998, p. 91).
1.4.2.2 Resource-light Infrastructures
In a complementary strand of literature attention has focused on the greater
scope for a transition in developing countries by decoupling investment from
resource depletion and the destruction of ecological processes. More specifically,
since the physical infrastructure in developing countries is still being designed
and installed, they have a better opportunity to avoid the resource-intensive
trajectories of infrastructural evolution adopted by developed countries (Shukla
et al., 1998, p. 53; Goldemberg, 1998a). Specific examples cited in this context
are efficient rail systems, decentralized energy production, public transport,
grey-water sewage systems, surface irrigation systems, regionalized food systems,
and dense urban settlement clusters. These can set a country on the road towards
cleaner, less costly, more equitable, and less emission-intensive development
patterns. The costs of such a transition are probably higher in places where
considerable capital investments in infrastructures have already been made and
where turnover is rather slow. For this reason, the timing of such choices is
vital, as decisions about systemic technological solutions tend to lock economies
onto a path with a specific resource and emission intensity.
In the context of climate policies, innovations in energy systems are of particular
importance. Possible strategies advanced in the literature include a shift from
expanding conventional energy supply towards emphasizing energy services through
a combination of end-use efficiency, increased use of renewables, and new-generation
fossil-fuel technologies (Reddy et al., 1997, p. 131). Developing countries
that take advantage of these sorts of innovations could follow a path that leads
directly to less energy-intensive development patterns in the long run and thereby
avoid large increases in energy and/or GDP intensities in the short and medium
term.
Box 1.4. The Brazilian Ethanol Programme
In 1974, Brazil launched a programme to shift to sugarcane alcohol (ethanol)
as an automotive fuel, initially as an additive to gasoline in a proportion
of about 20%. After 1979, pure alcohol-fuelled cars were produced, with
the necessary technological adaptation of engines, through an agreement
between the government and multinational car companies in Brazil. The
conversion was driven primarily by tax policy and the regulation of fuel
and vehicles. The relative prices of alcohol and gasoline were adjusted
through Petrobras, the state owned oil company. In 1981 the price of alcohol
was set 26% below that of gasoline, although gasolines production
cost was lower than that of alcohol (Pinguelli Rosa et al., 1998).
The alcohol programme created more than 500,000 jobs in rural areas and
allowed Brazil to reduce oil imports. The sales of new alcohol-powered
cars grew to 30% in 1980 and to more than 90% of the total car sales after
1983 until 1987. Alcohol accounted for about 50% of car fuel consumption
at that time. However, the sharp decline in world oil prices along with
deregulation in the energy sector meant the abandonment of alcohol-fuelled
cars. Even in 1995, though, avoided emissions through alcohol fuel use
in Brazil were 24.3MtCO2. The cumulative avoided emissions
from 1975 to 1998 can be calculated as 385MtCO2 (Pinguelli
Rosa and Ribiero, 1998).
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In many places, renewable energy technologies seem to offer some of the best
prospects for providing needed energy services while addressing the multiple
challenges of sustainable development, including air pollution, mining, transport,
and energy security. For instance, 76% of Africas population relies on
wood for its basic fuel needs; but research and policy design targetted to improve
sustainability has been largely absent. Solar energy has a significant potential
in sahelian Africa, but slow technological progress, high unit costs, and the
absence of technology transfer have retarded its installation. The Brazilian
ethanol programme to provide automotive fuel from renewable resources (see Box
1.4) is another example. Throughout the developing world the exploitation
of hydro potential also remains constrained because of high capital requirements
and environmental and social concerns generated by inappropriate dam building.
1.4.2.3 Appropriate Technologies
Development of so-called appropriate technologies could lead to environmental
protection and economic security in developing countries. The label appropriate
technologies is used because they build upon the indigenous knowledge
and capabilities of local communities; produce locally needed materials, use
natural resources in a sustainable fashion, and help to regenerate the natural
resource base. They may enable developing countries to keep an acceptable environmental
quality within a controlled cost (Hou, 1988). Low-cost, but resource-efficient
technologies are of particular importance for the rural and urban poor (see
Box 1.5). There is a latent demand for low-cost housing,
small hydropower units, low-input organic agriculture, local non-grid power
stations, and biomass-based small industries. Sustainable agriculture can benefit
both the environment and food production. Biomass-based energy plants could
produce electricity from local waste materials in an efficient, low-cost, and
carbon-free manner. Each of these options needs to be evaluated alongside conventional
energy supply and demand alternatives (see Chapter 3)
in terms of the impacts and contribution to sustainable development. Expanding
the analysis of the set of available options in this way should make us better
off, as some of the new options will be attractive upon further analysis, although
others will not.
It is important, in light of these examples, to realize that the results of
greater resource efficiency differ according to the performance level of the
technology under consideration. Technologies devised for high eco-efficiency
and intermediate performance levels consume, for example, lower absolute amounts
of resources than comparable technologies designed for high eco-efficiency and
high performance levels. By design, performance levels can vary in such dimensions
as level of power, speed, availability of service, yield, and labour intensity.
Indeed, intermediate performance levels are often desirable because of their
higher employment impact, lower investment costs, local adaptability, and potential
for decentralization. For this reason, technologies that combine high eco-efficiency
with appropriate performance levels hold an enormous potential for improving
peoples living conditions while containing the use of natural resources
and GHG emissions.
1.4.2.4 Full Cost Pricing
Changing macroeconomic frameworks is often considered indispensable, in both
developed and developing countries (Stavins and Whitehead, 1997), to bringing
economic rationality progressively in line with ecological rationality. Economic
restructuring and energy-pricing reforms both compliment and are a prerequisite
for the success of many environmental policies (Bates et al., 1994; TERI, 1995).
As long as natural resources, including energy, are undervalued relative to
labour, the tendency should be to substitute the cheaper factor for the more
expensive one. Giving a boost to efficiency markets requires, first of all,
the elimination of environmentally counterproductive subsidies (at least over
the medium-to-long term), as on fossil fuels, motorized transport, or pesticides,
as much as concessions for logging and water extraction (Roodman, 1996; Larraìn
et al., 1999). Reform of environmentally destructive incentives would remove
a major source of price distortions. Finally, shifting the tax base gradually
from labour to natural resources in a revenue-neutral manner could begin to
rectify the imbalance in market prices (European Environment Agency, 1996; Hammond
et al., 1997). A more extensive discussion of eco-taxation, reporting
a wide-ranging debate, is given in Chapter 6 of this report.
Box 1.5. Resource-efficient Construction in India
Recent analysis shows construction-sector activities to be major drivers
of Indian GHG emissions. In addition, conventional building costs place
traditional construction beyond the means of an increasing fraction of
rural families. A new building technology developed by an Indian non-profit
organization, Development Alternatives, reverses this trend. This technology
uses hand-powered rams to shape compressed earth into strong, durable,
weather-resistant but unbaked bricks. The ingredients for the bricks include
only locally available materials, mostly soil and water.
Building new residential and commercial structures with these rammed-earth
bricks creates rural jobs and delivers structurally sound buildings with
high thermal integrity and few embodied emissions of GHGs. As a result
of their inherently high thermal mass, these new buildings easily incorporate
passive solar design for heating and cooling. Since they use little purchased
input besides human labour, their cost is well within the range of poor
families.
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